Download A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society by Matthew Parish PDF

By Matthew Parish

ISBN-10: 1845112768

ISBN-13: 9781845112769

Following the brutal wars which raged within the former Yugoslavia within the early Nineties, Bosnia and Herzegovina used to be awkwardly partitioned into governing entities: the Federation of Bosnia and Herzegovina and Republika Srpska. yet there has been one a part of the rustic that may now not be equipped into both classification: the Breko District, a strategically severe land-bridge among the 2 components of the Bosnian Serb territory. This area used to be the topic of a hugely strange test: put lower than a regime of across the world supervised govt, Breko grew to become a ""free city,"" evoking the reminiscence of Trieste or Danzig within the nineteenth century. What has this scan in state-building published in regards to the historical past of this stricken nook of the Balkans - and its destiny? What classes should be utilized to clash answer in different elements of the realm? And used to be the scan profitable or have the voters of Breko suffered additional by the hands of the overseas group? A unfastened urban within the Balkans investigates the increase and fall of Breko and post-war Bosnia and investigates what classes could be realized for foreign peacekeeping missions elsewhere.

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Extra info for A Free City in the Balkans: Reconstructing a Divided Society in Bosnia (International Library of War Studies)

Example text

Its transport and infrastructure connections were worse than elsewhere in the SFRY, as it was a mountainous territory with no main highways. However, Tito developed significant secondary industry within SRBiH, much of which was linked to Yugoslavia’s arms trade. Tito had placed many arms manufacturing facilities in Bosnia because it was the only Socialist Republic not to border a neighbouring state. He was paranoid about invasion by his neighbours, having fallen out with both Stalin and Enver Hoxha, the leader of Communist Albania.

1) The first criticism, associated with realism, posits that international organisations are in some sense irrelevant. Their actions make no difference to international relations, because their behaviour will merely reflect an amalgam of short-term interests of the states that agree to form them. Whatever rules international organisations operate under will be altered or subverted when the interests of the powerful states underlying them change. The consequence of this theory is that international organisations are epiphenomenal – they have no causal influence upon the world events over which they purport to preside.

It is more important to create strong institutions than to have elections. If effective public institutions are created, then even in the absence of elections rival groups in a divided society can learn slowly how to cooperate with one another through the medium of those institutions. Release of a traumatised post-war society into the freedom of democracy needs to be gradual. Therefore one should impose institutional reform before allowing elections. Unelected institutions, of a kind that can be transformed into democratic institutions with elections later, allow disputing parties gradually to develop the necessary skills of political consultation, consensus building and compromise to work together (Paris 2004).

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