By Solveig Bosse
Applicative Arguments: A Syntactic and Semantic research of German and English provides formal semantic and syntactic analyses of German and English applicative arguments. those arguments are nominal components that aren't compulsory elements of a sentence. either German and English have different types of applicative arguments, together with so-called benefactive and malefactive structures. extra in particular, the learn depends on exams to tell apart the differing kinds of applicative arguments in keeping with this contribution to which means: a few applicatives give a contribution purely not-at-issue which means, while others give a contribution merely at-issue that means, and nonetheless others give a contribution either sorts of which means. those assessments are utilized to either German and English to uniquely establish the applicative arguments in each one language. Formal analyses of the pointed out kind of applicative arguments are offered that supply an account for every kind of applicative pointed out for every language, explaining the applicatives’ ameliorations and similarities.
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Additional resources for Applicative Arguments: A Syntactic and Semantic Investigation of German and English
Both analyses are presented in the following. For German, I argue that the affected experiencer is introduced by the syntactic head Aff(ect). This head is located outside of VP and below Voice to reflect that the subject c-commands the applicative argument. The denotation of this head (68a) includes both at-issue and not-at-issue material (following the colon). Semantically, Aff introduces an experiencing event and the experiencer. It takes the event property denoted by its sister constituent to be the source of 14 Hole includes some not-at-issue meaning, but does not have an experiencing event.
This prediction is also borne out. 82. My daughter broke the vase again on me. 1. My new vase arrived broken. I glued it together, but then my daughter broke it on me again. (repeated VP) 2. My dog broke this vase on me yesterday. I put it back together, but then my daughter broke it on me again. (repeated VP1) 3. My daughter broke this vase on me yesterday, and then she broke it on me again today. (repeated VoiceP) 4. *My daughter broke this vase yesterday, then today she broke it on me again.
For this, a more elaborate answer is necessary. Thus, the yes/noquestion provides support for the affectedness being encoded on the not-at-issue tier of meaning. However, there is also evidence that the affected experiencer applicative argument contributes meaning to the at-issue tier. The experiencer is syntactically accessible. It can be a wh-phrase and undergo overt movement (56). This should not be possible if the meaning it contributed was only on the not-at-issue tier (Chapter 2). 56. a. Wem hat Alex Bens Vase zerbrochen?